Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the U.S. from June 21st to 24th, 2023. One of the main highlights of his state visit was a formal meeting with the U.S. President Joe Biden on June 22nd. A Joint Statement containing as many as fifty-eight points was released after their talks. Compared to the previous statement issued by the two leaders in June 2021, the latest one spans broader issues in technology, defense, energy, national strategy, growth and health. As pointed out by the statement, it truly “represents the most expansive and comprehensive vision for progress” in the history of bilateral relationship between India and the U.S.
In the aspect of defense cooperation, General Electric will manufacture the turbofan engine of GE F-414 in India to power the light fighter jets produced by India’s state-owned Hindustan Aeronautics. India will also acquire thirty MQ-9B SkyGuardian drones to improve its intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities. The U.S. will assemble the drones and establish an MRO (maintenance, repair and overhaul) facility in India. Such developments will contribute to India’s acquisition of related technologies and manufacturing expertise.
In science and technology areas, the two sides reiterated the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technology (iCET) launched in January 2023, which aims to strengthen cooperation on space, semiconductor supply chains, telecommunications, quantum technologies, research in emerging technologies, artificial intelligence and accelerators. India and the U.S. “are committed to fostering an open, accessible, and secure technology ecosystem, based on mutual trust and confidence.” Micron Technology, which was banned by China recently, announced its plan to invest up to $825 million in a new semiconductor assembly and test facility in India. Applied Materials also revealed a $400 million investment to establish a center for semiconductor commercialization and innovation in India.
In the meantime, the U.S. reiterated its support for India’s permanent membership on a reformed UN Security Council, joined the Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative launched by India and returned hundreds of antiquities to India. These outcomes reflect the U.S. intention to win over India and deepen bilateral strategic cooperation.
In fact, the Indian Prime Minister’s recent visit did not come without controversy. On the eve of Modi’s visit, more than seventy U.S. lawmakers submitted a letter to Biden and urged him to raise India’s democratic development and human rights issues during their talks. Six House democrats boycotted Modi’s speech to the U.S. Congress, criticizing that the Congress should not ignore the Modi government’s human rights record. However, White House National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan made clear earlier that the U.S. would not “lecture” Modi on human rights issues. Besides, New Delhi has been reluctant to join European countries and the U.S. in condemning Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and imposing sanctions on Moscow. Not to mention that India even increases its purchase of Russian crude oil. However, the U.S. deliberately overlooks these controversies to seek closer strategic cooperation with India.
Challenges from China are one of the key drivers for increasingly close relationship between Washington and New Delhi. The two leaders “emphasized the importance of adherence to international law, particularly as reflected in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), and the maintenance of freedom of navigation and overflight, in addressing challenges to the maritime rules-based order, including in the East and South China Seas.” Modi mentioned in his speech to the U.S. Congress that “the dark clouds of coercion and confrontation are casting their shadow in the Indo Pacific. The stability of the region has become one of the central concerns of our partnership.” Though not specifically pointing out names, these remarks actually targeted at China. In addition, the U.S. and India agreed to cooperate on addressing the problem of overly-concentrated supply chains to realize the goal of diversifying, decentralizing and democratizing supply chains. This in reality is the purpose of the U.S. efforts to move away from China-centric supply chains.
Current defense cooperation between the U.S. and India is still falling short of closing the gap in overall national power between China and India. It is also unlikely that India will replace China’s position in the global supply chain. Nevertheless, the U.S.-India cooperation is instrumental to the rise of India and will strengthen India’s defense capabilities and its willingness and confidence in countering China. When responding to strategic cooperation between the U.S. and India, China’s Foreign Ministry Spokesperson reiterated old rhetoric that “military cooperation between states should not undermine regional peace and stability, target any third party, or even harm the interests of any third party.” The remarks demonstrated Beijing’s concern over cooperation between Washington and New Delhi. Overall, Modi’s successful visit to the U.S. showed the warming up of bilateral relations, which will undoubtedly increase strategic pressure on China.
(Fang Tien-Sze, Associate Professor, Center for General Education, and Deputy Director, Center for India Studies, National Tsing Hua University)
(Translated to English by Cindy Li)